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Modi's 'I, me, myself' style may have hurt BJP
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By Amulya GanguliWhat the Delhi poll outcome has confirmed is that the Bharatiya Janata
Party (BJP) can be stopped in its tracks by a determined opponent, even
one not as well-entrenched as established regional parties like the
AIADMK, the Biju Janata Dal or the Trinamool Congress were in their
respective states in last year's general election.
In contrast to
what happened in Tamil Nadu and the two other states, the BJP has been
routed in Delhi by an adversary like the Aam Admi Party (AAP) which
entered the fray with a lot of baggage - its hasty departure after 49
days in power in the capital last year, the boastful assertion of
anarchist tendencies by its leader Arvind Kejriwal, and an economic
outlook which ranged from being "Left of Left" to a claim of being
sensitive to the concerns of traders since Kejriwal harked back to his
'bania' (trading community) background.
Understandably, the BJP
made full use of these deficiencies with Narendra Modi urging the AAP
leader to join the Naxalites (Maoists) in the jungles since he is a
self-proclaimed anarchist. Earlier, the prime minister had stressed the
same point by designating Kejriwal as AK-49, the automatic rifle that is
a favourite of insurgents.
To buttress Modi's offensive, the BJP
threw in nearly all its central ministers, headed by Arun Jaitley, and
as many as 120 MPs into the campaign, a classic case of a sledgehammer
being used to swat a seeming fly.
But the reason why none of it
helped the ruling party at the centre will be palpable to any discerning
observer. Ever since Modi'a assumption of power last summer on the
basis of heady rhetoric, the ruling party has been all words and
virtually no deeds. Apart from scrapping the Planning Commission, it has
done precious little to fulfil its promises of a turnaround of the
economy even if the initial signs are favourable considering that a
seven percent growth is being forecast.
However, as Tuesday's
results show, the so-called aspirational middle class has not been
satisfied. It is worth remembering that today's generation is far more
impatient than their forbears. They look for quick results and
explanations that it takes time for the reforms to bear fruit are
rejected as ineffectual quibbling.
But an inability to show
results on the economic front is not the only reason for the rebuff
which the BJP has suffered after its triumph in the general election and
the successive victories in Maharashtra, Haryana and Jharkhand with the
possibility that it might form a government in Jammu and Kashmir as
well with the People's Democratic Front as a partner.
One
explanation for the voters' snub to the BJP in Delhi lies in its
Achilles heel of communalism, for large sections of the electorate must
have been aghast that despite having come to power on the promise of
development for all - sabka saath, sabka vikas - the BJP was letting the
saffron extremists, including two of its MPs, Yogi Adityanath and
Sakshi Maharaj, to run amok.
Apart from their divisive campaigns,
what has apparently hurt the BJP is Modi's "dangerous silence", as the
New York Times called it, on these Hindu extremists.
Since Modi
is widely perceived as a "strong" leader, the silence has been
considered strange. Even if he appears to have acted behind the scenes
to rein in some of the hotheads, in addition to telling the party
members not to cross the Lakshman rekha (a prescribed limit), the
apprehension among the minorities have not gone away.
There is
little doubt that the AAP has been a major beneficiary of this unease
not only among the Muslims, but also the Christians who have been
perturbed by the recent spate of attacks on churches in Delhi. Since the
Congress is virtually fading away from the electoral scene, it could
not avail of the minority votes, which went to the AAP.
The AAP
also gained from the perception of its honesty. It's worth recalling
that the Indian voter has long been looking for a person of integrity at
the top, whether it was Mr Clean, V.P. Singh, in 1989, or Mr Cleaner
Rajiv Gandhi in the first three years of his reign.
Now, the AAP
fits the bill, especially in view of its success during its brief stint
in power in curbing the police "practice" of collecting haftas or weekly
allowances from petty traders and even threatening bigwigs - the Ambani
brothers were named - if they insisted on high user charges on
electricity and other amenities.
All these assertions, made with a
touch of hauteur, made the AAP a darling of the underclass. With the
minorities, too, in their catchment area and the middle class
disappointed with the slow progress on the economic front, the BJP was
always fighting a losing battle.
Besides, Modi's "I, me, myself"
style of governance may have begun to jar on the voter. The party may
have to become a great deal more moderate if it has to succeed in the
next round of elections, notably in Bihar. Modi's call to Kejriwal for a
tete-a-tete over tea - chai pe charcha - is probably a sign of the
toning down of attitudes.
As for the AAP, it is too early to say
now how it will fare outside Delhi considering that its fielding of 432
candidates in the last general election was something of a disaster
since it could win only four seats. But it may have learnt its lessons
from that misadventure, especially that governance matters and not a
display of belligerence against all and sundry.
(Amulya Ganguli is a political analyst. The views expressed are personal. He can be reached at [email protected])